Gli europeisti italiani sono degli illusi, la Germania vuole un’Europa diversa da quella che sognano

Il Partito Democratico è europeista, certo, ma se si vanno a confrontare i programmi, guardando alla bozza di accordo tedesca per la Grosse Koalition, si scoprono differenze sostanziali

Da qualche settimana, uno spirito si aggira per l’Europa. Un certo euro-entusiasmo vorrebbe l’Unione alle porte di un processo di riforma in grado di allontanare l’Ue dalle politiche del rigore che hanno contraddistinto l’ultimo decennio.

Ne sono testimonianza, da un lato, la strumentalizzazione del tema “Europa” ai fini dell’approvazione, da parte della base della SPD, dell’accordo di larghe intese con la CDU: Martin Schulz, prima di dimettersi da Segretario del Partito, ha ribadito che le proposte di policy per l’UE contenute nel testo dell’accordo di governo GroKo sarebbero in linea con l’impulso riformatore di Emmanuel Macron. Dall’altro, c’è stata la dichiarazione congiunta da parte della Cancelliera tedesca, Angela Merkel e del Primo ministro italiano, Paolo Gentiloni (PD).A Berlino, i leader di Germania e Italia hanno affermato di “condividere la medesima visione per il futuro dell’Europa”.

Si potrebbe insomma credere che esista una sovrapposizione perfetta tra le visioni di riforma dell’Ueda parte dei partiti di governo di centro-destra e centro-sinistra di Francia, Germania e Italia. Ma è davvero così?

Si va verso un’unione sociale, oppure no?

Il quadro che emerge da un confronto tra il programma di governo della GroKo e quello elettorale del PD diverge dalla retorica governativa di Gentiloni e Merkel.

Tanto per iniziare, mentre CDU e SPD spingono per lo sviluppo di ciò che viene definito un “patto sociale” europeo, il Pd parla di “unione sociale”.

La formulazione tedesca prevede “accordi comunitari quadro” che garantiscano “equità per datori e lavoratori” e un migliore “coordinamento” tra le “politiche del mercato del lavoro” nazionali. In questo contesto, CDU e SPD invocano la definizione dei livelli minimi “di salario” e di garanzia dei “sistemi di welfare”, nonché, la necessità di sviluppare un sistema comunitario di aliquote minime per la tassazione dei profitti delle multinazionali e la conclusione dei negoziati in merito alla “tassa sulle transazioni finanziarie” (Tobin tax).

Si tratta sicuramente di obiettivi nobili, ma il punto è che non sono in linea con le ambizioni del PD. Il Partito di Gentiloni e Renzi esprime la necessità di costruire “un’assicurazione europea contro la disoccupazione”. La proposta italiana supera l’idea tedesca di un “patto sociale” perché prevede un trasferimento, una redistribuzione di risorse. Il PD vuole creare lo spazio necessario per lo sviluppo di “un nucleo di diritti soggettivi”, ancorato a livello europeo tramite la definizione “di una cittadinanza sociale in senso stretto”.

Ma è nelle bozze di riforma istituzionale che la distanza tra Italia e Germania diventa davvero ragguardevole.

Patto di stabilità e crescita va riformato?

Per fare spazio a quanto promesso sul fronte sociale, i partiti tedeschi spingono per la creazione di “specifici strumenti finanziari di bilancio” (“Haushaltsmittel”). CDU e SPD scrivono che queste leve debbano essere concepite in funzione di obiettivi quali la “stabilizzazione economica, la convergenza sociale e le riforme strutturali dell’Eurozona”. Fin qui, a dire il vero, il linguaggio non si discosta troppo da quello che, già oggi, caratterizza le politiche Ue. Ed è per questo che i partiti tedeschi specificano, successivamente, che si “potrebbe dare vita” (“Ausgangspunkt”) a un “futuro budget europeo per gli investimenti (“Investivhaushalt”). Queste iniziative di investimento-sociale dovrebbero diventare tangibili “all’interno del nuovo Quadro di finanziamento pluriennale dell’Unione”. A un’analisi critica non può sfuggire, da un lato, il condizionale e, dall’altro, che il Quadro di finanziamento pluriennale entrerà in azione dopo il 2020.

Ancora una volta, il Partito democratico si colloca su un’altra lunghezza d’onda, visto che vorrebbe promuovere riforme istituzionali dalle implicazioni profonde. Nel programma del PD vengono nominati: l’istituzione di un ministro per l’Economia europeo, l’emissione di Eurobond.

A livello generale, le differenze tra i due approcci si riscontrano anche a livello più concettuale e filosofico. Merkel e Schulz sottolineano che il “Patto di stabilità e crescita” (PSC) rimarrà, anche in futuro, il “compasso” delle politiche europee. In questo senso, “stabilità e crescita” restano due facce della medesima medaglia. Lo stesso dicasi per concetti quali “condivisione del rischio e responsabilità-nazionale” (“Risiko und Haftungsverantwortung”). E se per alcuni tutto ciò potrebbe sembrare un’apertura, è necessario chiarire che, da programma di governo, per Merkel e socialdemocratici, i termini e principi appena elencati devono essere indirizzati al “controllo fiscale, il coordinamento economico e la battaglia contro l’evasione fiscale”. È al netto di quanto esposto, che i partner di coalizione si dicono “pronti a testare le proposizioni che arriveranno da altri Paesi membri e dalla Commissione europea”. Infine, CDU e SPD affermano di “voler trasformare il Meccanismo europeo di stabilità (MES) in un Fondo monetario controllato dal Parlamento europeo e ancorato al diritto comunitario”, specificando però che “i diritti dei Parlamenti nazionali sono saranno scalfiti” dalle proposte di riforma qui elencate.

Cosa scrive il PD invece a questo proposito? “Il nostro obiettivo è quello di trasformare l’Eurozona in una vera Unione economica. Creando, cioè, una vera e propria istituzione politica di livello europeo che sia in grado di emettere bond per gestire la domanda aggregata e intervenire in caso di rischi sistemici”, scrivono ancora i policy maker del centro-sinistra italiano. In buona sostanza, si tratta di “condividere sovranità” (si noti qui il contrasto con la formulazione negativa tedesca). E se anche il Partito democratico vuole trasformare il MES in un Fondo monetario europeo, quest’ultimo non dovrebbe però – e a differenza dell’interpretazione tedesca – ottenere poteri di “monitoraggio dei conti pubblici”. In altri termini, la Commissione deve restare l’unico guardiano delle regole fiscali. Con riferimento al Patto di stabilità e crescita poi, la formazione del Nazareno parla apertamente di una modifica del PSC che faccia spazio a un’interpretazione più flessibile del concetto di “pareggio di bilancio”, per non parlare del Fiscal Compact, che sarebbe afflitto da certi “bizantinismi”.

Insomma, al netto delle dichiarazione di Gentiloni e Merkel, la distanza fra i partiti governativi di centro-sinistra e centro-destra di Germania e Italia è ragguardevole.

Da un punto di vista politico, l’analisi fa sorgere interrogativi in merito alla credibilità di quanto affermato dai due leader di Governo a Berlino. Con riferimento alla campagna elettorale italiana in corso, lo scollamento fra i documenti programmatici rende poco realistiche le riforme in campo europeo proposte dal Partito democratico e, tanto meno, quelle delle formazioni su posizioni ancor più progressiste.

 

Photo CC Flickr: European Parliament

(Linkiesta, 03.03.2018)

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